lcd screen made from cows made in china

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The cloning experiment began last year at Northwest University of Agricultural and Forestry Science and Technology in Shaanxi, China. Scientists sampled tissue from cows across China and used what"s called the somatic cell nuclear transfer method to create embryos which were then placed inside surrogate cows.

The calves were born healthy last month in Lingwu City, according to the Global Times. The first calf born weighed 120 pounds and stood 2" 6" feet tall, the Global Times reported. The calves have the same shape and skin pattern as the cows they were bred from, the scientists told the state-owned media outlet.

Officials from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration have said meat and milk from a cloned cow is just "as safe to eat as food from conventionally bred animals."

The so-called super cows were created using Holstein Friesian cows, a Dutch breed of cattle known for producing a higher than average amount of milk. Chinese scientists made headlines last year for cloning the world"s first arctic wolf, but the super cow experiment has been hailed as another important breakthrough by the researchers, who also noted how much China depends on imports of cows.

Faced with rising demand for milk and cheese, China imports roughly 70% of its dairy cows from other countries. The nation has roughly 6.6 million Holstein Friesian cows within its borders, but only five in every 10,000 are actually capable of producing the high volume of milk, the Global Times reported.

"We plan to take two to three years to build up a herd comprised of over 1,000 super cows, as a solid foundation to tackle China"s reliance on overseas dairy cows," he said.

Khristopher J. Brooks is a reporter for CBS MoneyWatch covering business, consumer and financial stories that range from economic inequality and housing issues to bankruptcies and the business of sports.

Chinese scientists have successfully cloned three cows that can produce an unusually high amount of milk, state media reported. According to researchers, these cloned cows are capable of producing 50% more milk than the average American cow.

Scientists sampled tissues from cows across China and used what"s called the somatic cell nuclear transfer method, which involves taking the nucleus from a body cell of the animal to be cloned and transferring it into a donated egg cell. Then embryos were placed inside surrogate cows.

The cloning experiment began last year at the Northwest University of Agricultural and Forestry Science and Technology in Shaanxi, China. The three calves, bred by scientists, were born in the Ningxia region in the weeks leading up to the Lunar New Year on January 23. These calves were cloned from highly productive cows from the Holstein Friesian breed, which originated in the Netherlands. According to Chinese state media, the chosen animals are capable of producing 18 tons of milk per year, which is nearly 1.7 times the amount of milk an average cow in the United States produces.

Jin Yaping, the lead scientist called this a birth of ‘super cows.’ Furthermore, he said, this breakthrough has great significance for China to concentrate and preserve in an economically feasible way the very best cows in the country, and ‘super cows’ are efforts to revitalize its agricultural sector with breeder animals.

For dairy cows, China is 70% reliant on overseas purchases. According to Global Times, China has roughly 6.6 million cows, however, only about 5 in 10,000 such cattle in China are highly productive.

According to Jin Yaping, this new cloning method means, that people can preserve the genes of these super cows in a timely manner and these cows can provide an excellent resource for future breeding.

Further, he said, “Using cloning technology alone won"t have any economic meaning, and the combination of tapping reproductive technology and using low-productive cows as surrogates allowed us to reproduce 20 more offspring compared with just using cloning for a given time period."

China has made remarkable progress in the field of animal cloning in recent years, using advanced techniques to clone various species, including cattle, sheep, pigs, and even pets. The purpose of animal cloning in China is multifaceted and ranges from improving the quality and productivity of livestock to conducting scientific research in the field of biotechnology.

In terms of improving livestock, animal cloning has the potential to increase the efficiency of food production, as well as enhance the quality and taste of meat and dairy products. This has led to increased investment in the field of animal cloning in China, as the country seeks to meet the growing demand for food from its rapidly expanding population.

One of today’s modern technological wonders is the flat-panel liquid crystal display (LCD) screen, which is the key component we find inside televisions, computer monitors, smartphones, and an ever-proliferating range of gadgets that display information electronically.What most people don’t realize is how complex and sophisticated the manufacturing process is. The entire world’s supply is made within two time zones in East Asia. Unless, of course, the factory proposed by Foxconn for Wisconsin actually gets built.

Liquid crystal display (LCD) screens are manufactured by assembling a sandwich of two thin sheets of glass.On one of the sheets are transistor “cells” formed by first depositing a layer of indium tin oxide (ITO), an unusual metal alloy that you can actually see through.That’s how you can get electrical signals to the middle of a screen.Then you deposit a layer of silicon, followed by a process that builds millions of precisely shaped transistor parts.This patterning step is repeated to build up tiny little cells, one for each dot (known as a pixel) on the screen.Each step has to be precisely aligned to the previous one within a few microns.Remember, the average human hair is 40 microns in diameter.

For the sake of efficiency, you would like to make as many panels on a sheet as possible, within the practical limitations of how big a sheet you can handle at a time.The first modern LCD Fabs built in the early 1990s made sheets the size of a single notebook computer screen, and the size grew over time. A Gen 5 sheet, from around 2003, is 1100 x 1300 mm, while a Gen 10.5 sheet is 2940 x 3370 mm (9.6 x 11 ft).The sheets of glass are only 0.5 - 0.7 mm thick or sometimes even thinner, so as you can imagine they are extremely fragile and can really only be handled by robots.The Hefei Gen 10.5 fab is designed to produce the panels for either eight 65 inch or six 75 inch TVs on a single mother glass.If you wanted to make 110 inch TVs, you could make two of them at a time.

The fab is enormous, 1.3 km from one end to the other, divided into three large buildings connected by bridges.LCD fabs are multi-story affairs.The main equipment floor is sandwiched between a ground floor that is filled with chemical pipelines, power distribution, and air handling equipment, and a third floor that also has a lot of air handling and other mechanical equipment.The main equipment floor has to provide a very stable environment with no vibrations, so an LCD fab typically uses far more structural steel in its construction than a typical skyscraper.I visited a Gen 5 fab in Taiwan in 2003, and the plant manager there told me they used three times as much structural steel as Taipei 101, which was the world’s tallest building from 2004- 2010.Since the equipment floor is usually one or two stories up, there are large loading docks on the outside of the building.When they bring the manufacturing equipment in, they load it onto a platform and hoist it with a crane on the outside of the building.That’s one way to recognize an LCD fab from the outside – loading docks on high floors that just open to the outdoors.

LCD fabs have to maintain strict standards of cleanliness inside.Any dust particles in the air could cause defects in the finished displays – tiny dark spots or uneven intensities on your screen.That means the air is passed through elaborate filtration systems and pushed downwards from the ceiling constantly.Workers have to wear special clean room protective clothing and scrub before entering to minimize dust particles or other contamination.People are the largest source of particles, from shedding dead skin cells, dust from cosmetic powders, or smoke particles exhaled from the lungs of workers who smoke.Clean rooms are rated by the number of particles per cubic meter of air.A class 100 cleanroom has less than 100 particles less than 0.3 microns in diameter per cubic meter of air, Class 10 has less than 10 particles, and so on. Fab 9 has hundeds of thousands of square meters of Class 100 cleanroom, and many critical areas like photolithography are Class 10.In comparison, the air in Harvard Square in Cambridge, MA is roughly Class 8,000,000, and probably gets substantially worse when an MBTA bus passes through.

The Hefei Gen 10.5 is one of the most sophisticated manufacturing plants in the world.On opening day for the fab, BOE shipped panels to Sony, Samsung Electronics, LG Electronics, Vizio, and Haier.So if you have a new 65 or 75-inch TV, there is some chance the LCD panel came from here.

By contrast, Sanan Optoelectronics Co Ltd, China’s top LED chipmaker with a market value of $2.8 billion, and Elec-Tech International Co Ltd will be among a handful of large companies that will survive as they continue to receive subsidies and incentives from the government, according to analysts.

Government subsidies helped China triple its global share in packaged LED components, consisting of chips, wiring and conductive paste, to 6 percent last year from 2 percent in 2010.

Sales growth at Taiwanese LED companies slipped to 3 percent in April month on month, after rising 12 percent in March from February, a UBS report showed.

Chinese scientists have successfully cloned three "super cows" that can produce an unusually high amount of milk, state media reported, hailing it as a breakthrough for China"s dairy industry to reduce its dependence on imported breeds.

The three calves, bred by scientists from the Northwest University of Agricultural and Forestry Science and Technology, were born in the Ningxia region in the weeks leading up to the Lunar New Year on January 23, the state-run Ningxia Daily reported.

They were cloned from highly productive cows from the Holstein Friesian breed, which originated in the Netherlands. The chosen animals are capable of producing 18 tons of milk per year, or 100 tons of milk in their lifetimes.

The scientists made 120 cloned embryos from the ear cells of the highly productive cows and placed them in surrogate cows, according to the Technology Daily.

Jin Yaping, the project"s lead scientist, called the birth of the "super cows" a "breakthrough" that allows China to preserve the very best cows "in an economically feasible way," the state-run newspaper Global Times reported.

Only five in 10,000 cows in China can produce 100 tons of milk in their lifetimes, making them a valuable resource for breeding. But some highly productive cows are not identified until the end of their lives, making it difficult to breed them, Jin said.

"We plan to take two to three years to build up a herd comprised of over 1,000 super cows, as a solid foundation to tackle China"s reliance on overseas dairy cows and the issue of the risk of being "choked" [by supply chain disruptions]," Jin told the newspaper.

There are reports that children, as young as age 8, are engaged in the harvesting of açaí berries in Brazil. Evidence of child labor has been found in the city of Abaetuba, a major center for açaí berry production, in the State of Pará. Children are involved in the harvesting season from August until January each year, alongside their families. Most families in the region rely on the harvest as their main source of income. Reports and field research indicate that children are seen as extremely valuable to the harvest due to their physical stature and natural agility, qualities that allow them to climb the açaí berry trees’ tall and thin trunks more easily without the trees breaking. Açaí berry picking is considered to be a highly dangerous job in Brazil, requiring those involved in its harvest to climb great heights, sometimes up to 65 feet. Children engaged in açaí berry harvesting not only are required to scale very tall trees, but they also lack proper protective equipment, transport large knives with serrated blades in the back of their shorts, and are exposed to hot climate conditions and environments that include venomous insects and other dangerous animals.

There are reports that children as young as 7 engage in illegal amber extraction in Ukraine. Children from low-income families in the Polesia region of western Ukraine, including in Rivne, Volyn, and Zhytomyr Oblasts, are particularly vulnerable to involvement in amber extraction. For example, one human rights organization reports that thousands of school children extract amber, and that their labor is essential to the amber industry. According to media reports and local government officials, child labor is systemic in the illegal amber extraction industry and is a growing problem. The amber extraction process creates large pits and exposes children to risk of injuries when extraction pits collapse. Children engaged in illegal amber extraction are also at risk of violence at the mining site.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 grow beans in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 71,839 child laborers grow poroto beans throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Approximately 31,372 of child laborers growing poroto beans are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that child labor also occurs in the cultivation of other varieties of beans, including habilla, poroto manteca, and feijao, and that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor producing beans. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children ages 5 to 17 work in bovine raising in Ecuador. Based on the analysis of Ecuador’s 2019 National Survey of Employment, Unemployment, and Underemployment, an estimated 10,564 children under the minimum age for work are involved in child labor in bovine raising. The ILO has found that generally, children who care for farm animals may be at risk of exposure to potential health consequences, including injuries from kicks and infections from animal bites and exposure to harmful bacteria. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Ecuador’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There is evidence that children ages 8 to 17 raise bovines in Eswatini. Child labor in this sector is concentrated in the rural areas of Hhohho, Lubombo, Manzini, and Shiselweni. In 2018, the Government of Eswatini and the International Labor Organization published results from the 2014 Survey on Child Labor in Herding in Rural Areas in Eswatini. According to international standards on the minimum age for work, children working below the age of 15 are engaged in child labor. The survey estimates that 72,332 children below the age of 15 raise bovines. Children perform physically arduous tasks while herding in the grasslands and mountainous regions, and risk occupational injury and disease from exposure to dangerous tools, insecticides and herbicides. Children’s injuries include fractures, dislocations and sprains, burns, frostbite, breathing problems, skin problems, extreme fatigue, and snake bites. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Eswatini’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 14 are involved in the raising of bovines in Ghana. Based on an analysis of the Ghana Living Standards Survey, an estimated 10,049 child laborers are involved in the raising of bovines. The ILO has found, depending on the conditions, that herding, shepherding, and handling livestock may be considered as hazardous work. Injuries from animals include being bitten, butted, jostled, stamped on, gored, or trampled. Large and small animals do not need to be aggressive to cause serious harm or even kill a child. Children rarely wear protective shoes or boots, and this increases their risk for additional injuries and illnesses such as cuts, wounds, bruises, thorn injuries, skin disorders, and infections. Diseases can be contracted through routine contact with animals, insects, pathogens in animal carcasses, and work near livestock stabling areas and butchering houses. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Ghana’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children are forced to harvest Brazil nuts in Bolivia. Forced child labor in the production of Brazil nuts is known to be found in the Amazon region in particular, and migrant workers are particularly vulnerable. According to international organizations, NGOs, and the U.S. Department of State, many children are forced to work, often with their families, under conditions of bonded labor. Often entire families, including children, are given an advance payment to work in the harvest, and then incur more debt during the harvest. The families are prohibited from leaving, even once the harvest is complete, until their debts are paid off. Sometimes identity papers and wages are withheld as a means to restrict freedom of movement.

There are reports that children, ages 8-17, are forced to produce bricks in China, with concentrations in the Shanxi and Henan provinces. Victims are from provinces across China; some children are abducted or trafficked through coercion and sold to work in brick kilns. Information from media sources and a research study indicate that the children are forced to work without pay under threat of physical violence, held against their will, watched by guards, and denied sufficient food.

There are reports of children working under conditions of forced labor to produce bricks in India"s kilns. The most recently available information from a trade union report indicates that in the State of Haryana alone, as many as 40,000 children, many of them forced laborers, are working in brick kilns. Bonded labor in the brick industry is found across India, including in Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh. The kilns use a system of bonded labor in which children often work alongside other members of their debt-bonded families. Some of these children are forced to work as a guarantee for loans to their parents. Families take an advance payment from recruiters and then are forced to work to pay off the debt; the debt rolls over from one year to the next, binding the worker in a cycle of debt bondage. Children in scheduled castes, a socially disadvantaged class in India, and of migrant families, are particularly vulnerable to forced labor. Some children are forced to work under threat of physical violence. Some children and their families are not paid regularly, do not receive the promised wages, and are prohibited from leaving the worksite.

There are reports that children ages 6-17 and some younger than age 5 are working under conditions of forced labor to produce bricks in Nepal. According to available information from an NGO report, two-thirds of the children are male. Brick kilns are concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley and Terai, and operate seasonally between October and June. According to the most recently available NGO data, between 30,000 and 60,000 children work in Nepal"s brick kilns, of which up to 39 percent are working as bonded labor. Migrant families, members of certain castes – a socially disadvantaged class in Nepal – and ethnic minorities, such as Dalit, Janajati, and Madeshi, are particularly vulnerable to bonded labor in brick kilns. Most of the children are from Nepal, however some are from West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh, India. Many families take advance loans from brick kiln employers or brokers with a commitment to produce a specified quantity of bricks, and become bonded laborers. Their children are bound by their parents" debt and work alongside their families making bricks. The bonded families live at the kiln worksites, without access to safe water or sanitation facilities, and are prohibited from leaving until the debts are paid in full. Some bonded children are forced to work 12 hours a day, and receive little, if any, payment after wage deductions to repay the family debt. Some children are penalized by their employers with verbal or physical abuse.

There are reports that children in Pakistan work under conditions of forced labor producing bricks. According to the most recently available data from the media, the ILO, and a university study, there are hundreds of thousands of these children across Pakistan. The brick industry uses a system of bonded labor under which children, from a very young age, often work alongside their debt-bonded families. Because the debts are sometimes inherited, many children are born into the bonded labor. Under the Pakistani “peshgis” bondage system, families are not free to leave the kiln, and are forced to produce quotas of 1,000 or more bricks per day under threat of physical violence or death. Brick workers, including children, are forced to work without masks, goggles, gloves, shoes, or other safety equipment.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 grow cabbages in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 4,146 child laborers grow cabbages throughout rural areas in Paraguay. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children are forced to produce carpets in Nepal. Children age 14 and older are found in registered carpet factories, while children younger than 14 are found in informal, unregistered carpet factories. Carpet factories are concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley. Some children work alone or with their families as bonded laborers in the factories. Most children do not receive payment for their work. Some children work to pay off advance payments for their labor made by the employer to the recruiter or their families. These children live in the factory or nearby in accommodations provided by the employer. The children are not free to leave until the debt has been repaid. Many of the children are forced to work long hours and overtime, up to 18 hours per day; many cannot leave the factory even after they have completed their long workday. Such children are punished by employers for refusing to work, missing production quotas, falling asleep, or making mistakes.

There are reports that children as young as age five are forced to work in the production of carpets, often through a system of bonded labor. Based on reports from the ILO and the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), as many as half a million children have been producing carpets under conditions of forced labor throughout the country. Children of migrants, refugees, and impoverished families are particularly vulnerable to this practice. Typical of the Pakistani “peshgis” system, children are often sent to work to pay off their family"s debt. Families accept a loan in the form of advanced payment for a year of their child"s work, and the child is prohibited from leaving the workplace until the debt is paid in full. The children live in the workplace, away from their families, and do not have the freedom to leave. Some children are forced to work without equipment to protect them from exposure to toxic chemicals and dust. The children are paid little, and deductions are taken from their wages for food and shelter. Some children are fined or beaten for any mistakes.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 grow carrots in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 4,877 child laborers grow carrots throughout rural areas in Paraguay. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children are involved in cattle-raising activities in Kenya. According to U.S. government and media reports, school-age children provide duties related to tending and caring for animals, often requiring them to travel long distances from home and be absent from school. Kenya law identifies cattle herding as a hazardous work activity for children. Children’s engagement in cattle herding is endemic across Kenya, particularly in the arid northern regions of the country, including Busia, Kajiado, and Marsabit Counties, and in Migori County in Western Kenya.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 raise cattle in Paraguay. National legislation designates cattle raising as a hazardous activity prohibited for children in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 142,127 child laborers raise cattle throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Approximately 67,141 child laborers raising cattle are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor in cattle raising. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that men and women are forced to work in the production of chile peppers in Mexico. According to media reports, NGOs, and the U.S. Department of State, there are hundreds of forced labor victims working to produce chile peppers. Many of these victims report being recruited by middlemen, called enganchadores, that lie to workers about the nature and conditions of the work, wages, hours, and quality of living conditions. Sources report that cases of forced labor in chile peppers production predominantly occurs in small and medium holder farms and have been found in states such as Baja California, Chihuahua, Jalisco, and San Luis Potosi. According to available reports, indigenous farmworkers from impoverished regions of central and southern Mexico are particularly vulnerable to forced labor in the agricultural sector due to low education levels, linguistic barriers, and discrimination. Once on the farms, some men and women work up to 15 hours per day under the threat of dismissal and receive subminimum wage payments or no payment at all. There are reports of some workers being threatened with physical violence or physically abused for leaving their jobs. Workers also report finding themselves in overcrowded and unsanitary housing facilities with no access to potable water, latrines, electricity, and medical care. Some workers face growing indebtedness to company stores that often inflate the prices of their goods, forcing workers to purchase provisions on credit and limiting their ability to leave the farms.

There are reports that children in Colombia as young as 11 years old are forced to cultivate and pick coca, and to scrape coca leaves. The Government, NGOs, media, and the ILO indicate that some children are forcibly recruited by non-state armed groups, such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, the National Liberation Army, and criminal groups to pick coca. Others are forced by drug traffickers. Criminal and illegal armed groups use threats of torture or death to prevent children from attempting to escape.

There are reports that children from within Côte d"Ivoire, as well as migrant children from Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, and Togo, are working under conditions of forced labor on Ivoirian cocoa farms. Based on the most recently available estimate from Tulane University, over 4,000 children work in conditions of forced labor in the production of cocoa in Côte d"Ivoire. Some children are sold by their parents to traffickers, some are kidnapped, and others migrate willingly but fall victim to traffickers who sell them to recruiters or farmers, where they end up in conditions of bonded labor. Some farmers buy the children and refuse to let them leave the farm until the debt of their purchase has been worked off. The children are frequently not paid for their work; some of their wages are paid to the recruiter or trafficker. These children are held against their will on isolated farms, are locked in their living quarters at night, and are threatened and beaten if they attempt to escape. They are punished by their employers with physical abuse. They are forced to work long hours, including overtime, and are required to work even when they are sick. Some children are denied sufficient food by their traffickers and employers. Some children are forced to perform dangerous tasks, including carrying heavy loads, using machetes and sharp tools, and applying pesticides and fertilizers.

There are reports that children are forced to produce cocoa in Nigeria. The ILO, media pieces, and an academic report indicate that children are trafficked across Nigeria and from Burkina Faso by intermediaries and recruiters to produce cocoa. Children from Cross River and Akwa Ibom states in southeastern Nigeria are particularly vulnerable. Some children are sold by their parents to recruiters. The recruiters are paid for their recruitment of the children; many children receive no pay for their work. Some children are forced to work long hours, including during the hottest hours of the day, leaving them at substantial risk for heat-related illness. The children are forced to perform dangerous tasks, such as using sharp tools, carrying heavy loads, and handling pesticides, without protective equipment.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of coffee in Brazil.  According to media reports and NGOs, cases of forced labor within the coffee sector are a recurring problem.  A large number of these violations occur in the state of Minas Gerais, which is responsible for about 70 percent of the coffee produced in the country.  There are more than 100,000 coffee plantations in Minas Gerais, with an estimated 245,000 workers, most working informally, thus increasing the probability of their exploitation.  Sources indicate that forced labor in coffee is widespread in this state.  Intermediaries, called gatos, recruit workers from poorer neighboring states, and often lie about working conditions, wages, hours, and the quality of living conditions.  According to investigations, workers face up to 15-hour workdays, and often receive sub-minimum wage payments.  Reports also indicate that a number of workers face precarious and unsanitary housing accommodations with no access to potable water, and a lack of proper bathroom and cooking facilities.  Some workers report finding themselves in a debt spiral because they owe money to the plantation owners for food, their journey to the plantation, and even the equipment they must use during the harvest.  These debts incurred hinder the workers’ ability to leave the coffee plantations.  A number of workers also report fear of punishment for complaining about the poor conditions, or for speaking to outside sources about their work and living conditions.  Some workers have had their working papers or identity papers confiscated by their employer.

There are reports that children ages 5 to 17 cultivate coffee in Costa Rica. Based on an analysis by international organizations of the Government of Costa Rica’s National Household Survey (ENAHO) 2011, published in 2015, 8.8 percent of child laborers in the country, or approximately 1,422 children ages 5-14, were in child labor in coffee production in Costa Rica. The ENAHO 2011 counts as child labor all work performed by a child below age 15. In addition, the analysis indicates that 5.2 percent of working adolescents ages 15 to 17, or 1,625 adolescents, were also engaged in coffee production. The analysis noted that 78 percent of children and adolescents in child labor in Costa Rica work with their families. Although more recent national surveys have shown a 65 percent decrease in the number of children ages 12 to 17 working in agriculture from 13,866 in 2011 to 4,853 in 2015, these surveys do not provide the number of children in child labor in the coffee sector. Data from the 2016 ENAHO, which included a child labor module, is expected to be released in early 2017.

There are reports that children ages 14-17 and younger in Côte d"Ivoire are forced to work on coffee plantations. Based on a research study, thousands of children are involved in this type of labor. Some children are forcibly recruited, or recruited through deceptive means, and transported to coffee plantations in Côte d"Ivoire from nearby countries including Benin, Mali, Togo, and Burkina Faso. These children are sold to traffickers. Other children leave their home countries or communities voluntarily, but end up in situations where they are not paid and have no means to return home. Some children are forced to work for three or four years before receiving payment or returning home. Others are forced to work, even if sick, and prevented from leaving the plantations through threat of physical violence, withheld payments, or denial of food.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 grow corn in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 92,208 child laborers grow the tupí variety of corn and 89,293 child laborers grow the chipá (canary) variety of corn throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Approximately 38,584 children growing tupí corn and 37,598 children growing chipá (canary) corn are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor producing corn. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children ages 6-17 are forced to produce cotton in Benin. Cotton is grown primarily in the north, such as in Banikoara, and according to NGOs and international organizations, many of the children are trafficked or migrate to this area from other parts of the country, or from Burkina Faso or Togo. Some children are lured by traffickers with false promises about working conditions or terms. Some children work on year-long contracts and are not allowed to leave until the end of the year. They are paid only at the end of the contract, once the cotton is sold, but most children report that they do not receive their full payment, and some are not paid at all. Children usually live with their employer, and do not receive sufficient food.

There are reports of children ages 10-17 producing cotton under conditions of forced labor in Burkina Faso. According to an NGO report containing the most recently available data on the eastern region of the country, it is estimated that as many as 50 percent of all boys aged 10 and above migrate or are trafficked to work for a year; most work on cotton farms in Tapoa or Kompienga. Children are also trafficked from around the country to work on cotton farms in Houet and Tuy provinces. Some children are forced to sow, weed, and harvest the cotton in hazardous conditions; some work under threats of abuse or withholding of payment. They usually live with their employer, and do not receive sufficient food. These children are lured by recruiters or traffickers with false promises of payment or gifts such as a bicycle. The children work on 12 or 17 month contracts and are prohibited from leaving to return home until the end of the contract. They are paid only when the cotton is sold and they have completed their contract, but most report that they do not receive their full payment, and some receive no payment at all.

There are reports that children are forced to pick cotton in China. Reports from an NGO and the U.S. Government indicate that children in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region and in Gansu province are mobilized through schools and required by provincial regulations to work during the autumn harvest. According to the most recently available estimates, between 40,000 and 1 million students are mobilized annually for the harvest, beginning as early as the third grade. Most children are paid little if at all, after deductions for meals, transportation, and payments to the school. These students are required to pick daily quotas of cotton or pay fines, and performance in the cotton harvest is assessed for the students" promotion to higher grade levels.

There are reports that children ages 14-17 and some as young as 7 are forced to work during the annual cotton harvest in Tajikistan. Monitoring teams discover multiple cases of compulsory mobilization across several districts of the country each year. In these cases, school officials mobilize classes to work in the harvest and teachers supervise them in the fields. Some children receive threats regarding exams, grades, and even expulsion from school for refusal to work. The children are typically sent to the fields after class hours. Farmers negotiate directly with the schools to mobilize the students to work, and the schools may keep some or all of the children"s wages. Some of the children are required to pick a quota of 66 pounds of cotton daily.

There are reports that children, especially girls ages 6-14, are forced to produce hybrid cottonseed in India. Cottonseed production, and cottonseed farms with bonded child laborers, are reported to be concentrated in the state of Andhra Pradesh. According to NGO reports, between 400,000 and 450,000 children are working in the production of hybrid cottonseed, many working as forced or bonded labor. Some of these children are bonded to their employer, forced to work to pay off the debt of advanced payments made to their parents. Some children are forced to work with toxic pesticides.

ILAB has reason to believe that multiple palm oil products produced in Indonesia are made with an input using child labor and forced labor, specifically palm fruit harvested in Indonesia. These palm oil products include crude palm oil, crude palm kernel oil, refined palm oil, refined palm kernel oil, and oleochemicals.

Palm Fruit from Indonesia was added to ILAB’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor in 2010 for child labor and added in 2020 for forced labor. Indonesia produces most of the world’s palm fruit and palm oil. In 2020, refined palm oil from Indonesia accounted for 55.26 percent of global imports. In 2020, the U.S. obtained about 60 percent of its $1 billion in refined palm oil imports from Indonesia.

ILAB has reason to believe that multiple palm oil products produced in Indonesia are made with an input using child labor and forced labor, specifically palm fruit harvested in Indonesia. These palm oil products include crude palm oil, crude palm kernel oil, refined palm oil, refined palm kernel oil, and oleochemicals.

Palm Fruit from Indonesia was added to ILAB’s List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor in 2010 for child labor and added in 2020 for forced labor. Indonesia produces most of the world’s palm fruit and palm oil. In 2020, refined palm oil from Indonesia accounted for 55.26 percent of global imports. In 2020, the U.S. obtained about 60 percent of its $1 billion in refined palm oil imports from Indonesia.

There are reports that children, mostly boys ages 5-17, are forced to mine for diamonds in Sierra Leone. Diamond mines are concentrated in Koidu, Kenema, and Kono districts in the Eastern Province. Some children are trafficked from rural areas to work in diamond mines, or are sent by their families; these children are often recruited under deceptive terms. The children are forced to work, without pay, in hazardous conditions underground in the mines for excessively long hours. Some children are not provided with sufficient food. In addition, some children of artisanal, independent, small-scale diamond miners work with their families as indentured servants, in debt to diamond dealers.

There are reports that children, mostly boys between the ages of 5-17, are forced to work in the production of dried fish in Bangladesh. According to the most recently available government data, close to 1,900 children, or about 24 percent of children working in the dried fish industry, are working under conditions of force. This forced child labor is found in the coastal districts of Borguna, Patuakhali, Chittagong, and Cox"s Bazar of the Bay of Bengal, with the highest proportion of children in forced labor working in Bagherhat. According to the Government"s data, some of the children work as bonded labor, often in exchange for advanced payments that have been made to their parents. These children are not free to leave the workplace, and some are not allowed any contact with their family. Some children are also forced to work under threat of physical violence and wage deductions.

There are reports that children ages 13-15 are forced to produce electronics in China. Based on the most recently available data from media sources, government raids, and NGOs, hundreds of cases of forced child labor have been reported in factories in Guangdong province, but the children are often from Henan, Shanxi, or Sichuan provinces. In some cases, children are forced to work in electronics factories through arrangements between the factories and the schools that the children attend in order to cover alleged tuition debts. The forced labor programs are described as student apprenticeships; however, the children report that they were forced to remain on the job and not allowed to return home. Half of the students" wages are sent directly to the schools, and the children receive little compensation after deductions are made for food and accommodations. In other cases, children are abducted or deceived by recruiters, sent to Guangdong, and sold to employers. Some children are held captive, forced to work long hours for little pay.

There are reports of children, many between the ages of 8-14, producing embellished textiles under conditions of forced labor in India. Some children work under a system of debt bondage. Most factories that produce zari, a type of embroidery, are concentrated in Mumbai and Delhi, but many children are trafficked from other locations such as Bihar. According to government raids and an NGO report, between 125,000 and 210,000 children are working in Delhi embroidery workshops, and approximately 100,000 are working in zari embroidery and other textile embellishment workshops in Mumbai and elsewhere. Some children are forced to work under threat of physical violence. Some work long hours including overtime and do not receive payment for their work.

There are reports that children, mostly boys ages 7-17, are forced to produce embellished textiles in Nepal. The factories are spread across the Kathmandu Valley and are concentrated in Thankot. The child workers are mainly recruited from Sarlahi, Mohattari, and Dhanusha Districts. Based on a research report, close to 7,500 children are working under forced labor conditions in the sector. Factory owners often recruit certain boys to work on one- or two-year contracts, paying an advance to their parents for the boys" labor. The boys are forced to work long hours without pay. At the end of the contract, the factory owner offers another advance payment to the parents, and the boys then return to work for the factory. During the subsequent contract, the children receive little or no wages after the initial advance payment as wages are deducted to repay the advance, and accommodation and food expenses are also deducted. These children live at the worksite, and the factories are often locked, preventing the children from leaving.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of fish on China’s distant-water fishing fleet.  China’s fleet is the largest in the world, with an estimated 3,000 fishing vessels, and contains a wide variety of vessels, from longliners to purse seiners, operating on the high seas and in foreign countries’ exclusive economic zones in every region of the world.  The majority of the crew on board are migrant workers from Indonesia and the Philippines, who are particularly vulnerable to forced labor.  It is estimated that there are tens of thousands of workers who are sometimes recruited by agencies that deceive workers with false information regarding their wages and the terms of the contracts, and require the workers to pay recruitment fees and sign debt contracts.  According to various sources, numerous incidents of forced labor have been reported on Chinese fishing vessels.  While on board the vessels, workers’ identity documents are often confiscated, the crew spends months at sea without stopping at a port of call, and they are forced to work 18 to 22 hours a day with little rest.  Workers face hunger and dehydration, live in degrading and unhygienic conditions, are subjected to physical violence and verbal abuse, are prevented from leaving the vessel or ending their contracts, and are frequently not paid their promised wages.

There are reports that children ages 5-17 in Ghana are forced to work in the fishing industry, assisting primarily in the catching of tilapia, but also of such fish as mudfish, silverfish, catfish, latefish, and electric fish. According to the most recently available data from universities, NGOs, government raids, and international organizations, hundreds of children in the Lake Volta region have been rescued from the fishing industry, in which they were forced to undertake such tasks as diving to untangle fishing nets from underwater tree stumps. Children are often trafficked from the Volta, Central, Eastern, or Ashanti regions to Tato and other Lake Volta communities to work. Some of the children forced to work in the fishing industry are working in bonded labor after being sold or sent by their parents under a one- to three-year contract, for which the parents are promised payment on agreed-upon intervals. The children frequently are paid little, if at all, and are forced to work long hours. The children forced to work in the fishing industry often live with their employers, where they face physical violence and are not provided with sufficient food.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 are engaged in fishing in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published representative results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 20,188 child laborers work in fishing throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Of these children, 20,082 handle hooks or harpoons; 18,886 prepare bait; and 11,475 clean fish. Approximately 11,023 child laborers working in fishing are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor in fishing. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that adults are forced to work in the production of fish on Taiwan’s distant-water fishing fleet.  Taiwan’s fleet is the second largest in the world, with more than 1,100 fishing vessels, comprising approximately 36 percent of the world’s tuna longliner fleet, and operating on the high seas and in the exclusive economic zones of more than 30 countries.  An estimated 35,000 migrant workers are employed by the fleet.  The majority of these workers are recruited overseas, mostly from Indonesia and the Philippines, by agenciesthat sometimes deceive workers with false information regarding their wages and the terms of the contracts, and require the workers to pay recruitment fees and sign debt contracts.  According to various sources, numerous incidents of forced labor have been reported on Taiwan-flagged fishing vessels.  While on board the vessels, workers’ identity documents are often confiscated, and the crew spends months at sea without stopping at a port of call, and they are forced to work 18 to 22 hours a day with little rest.  Workers face hunger and dehydration, live in degrading and unhygienic conditions, are subjected to physical violence and verbal abuse, are prevented from leaving the vessel or ending their contracts, and are frequently not paid their promised wages or have food and lodging fees illegally deducted from their wages.

There are reports that children from Bolivia are forced to produce garments in informal workshops in the city of Buenos Aires and its surrounding municipalities. According to media outlets, NGOs, and government officials, some children from Bolivia are victims of deceptive recruitment and trafficking with false promises of decent working conditions and fair wages. Once in Argentina, these children have restricted freedom of movement, their identity documents are confiscated, they live and work within locked factories, and they are too fearful to leave due to threats of imprisonment. Some end up in conditions of bonded labor, in debt for fees that were charged for transport to Argentina, and are prohibited from leaving their workplaces for years until the debt is paid through wage deductions. These children suffer physical and verbal abuse from their employers, and are only given one meal per day. Some children are forced to work excessive hours, up to 20 hours per day.

There are reports that adults are working under forced labor conditions to produce garments in Bangladesh. Multiple surveys have reported that workers in the Ready-Made Garment (RMG) industry are subjected to excessive working hours beyond what is legally allowed, forced overtime, and withholding compensation. Furthermore, workers are subjected to physical and verbal abuse for not meeting targets. Women are often victims of physical and sexual abuse, including as punishment for not meeting targets.

There are reports that children, most between the ages of 8-17, are forced to produce garments in India. Based on the most recently available data from NGOs, up to 100,000 children throughout the country are being forced to produce garments. Recent reports suggest that forced child labor has shifted from factories to home-based production and from urban to suburban areas, particularly in southern India. Dalit and scheduled caste children, a socially disadvantaged class in India, are particularly vulnerable to forced labor in this industry. Many children are trafficked into garment production, recruited under deceptive terms, moved between employers without consent, and paid little or nothing for their work. Some children, as young as age five, are recruited for work through an advance payment to their parents, creating a situation of debt bondage which the child must work to repay. The children are isolated, often live at the worksite, and face restricted freedom of movement. Some children are exposed to dye and toxic chemicals without protective equipment; and some are forced to work overtime, even when they are sick. Some children are punished and threatened with verbal and physical abuse, financial penalty, and some are routinely deprived of food, water, and sleep. The children are forced to perform tasks including stitching, dyeing, cutting, sewing buttons, and embellishing garments.

There are reports that mostly girls as young as 11 are forced to produce garments in Thailand. Migrant children from Laos and Burma are particularly vulnerable. The ILO, media, trade unions, government raids, and NGOs report forced child labor in garment factories in Bangkok and along the Burma border in Mae Sai and Mae Sot. Many children live at the worksite, and their freedom of movement is sometimes restricted through confiscation of identity documents and threats of arrest. Children are often forced to work long hours and overtime, and are paid little, if at all. Some are not provided sufficient food and are physically abused. Mistakes made during the course of work are sometimes penalized with wage deductions.

There are reports of children ages 10-18 and some as young as 6 who work under conditions of forced labor producing garments in Vietnam. The most recently available information from government raids, NGOs and media reports indicates that groups of children are found in small privately-owned factories and informal workshops. These workplaces are located primarily in and around Ho Chi Minh City; however, many of these children have migrated, or have been trafficked, from the countryside and from central or northern provinces. Many of the children live in the factories; employers prevent the children from leaving through force and/or by withholding their wages. In some cases, employers pay the children only after a full year of work or at the completion of a multi-year contract. Employers refuse to pay the children who leave before the end of the contract; some withhold a portion of the wages dues under the contract in order to force the children to remain an additional year. The children are forced to work long hours, up to 18 hours per day, sometimes late into the night, and with few breaks. Reports indicate that these children are beaten or threatened with physical violence by their employers. In addition, there are reports of children as young as 12 years old found to be working while confined in government-run detention centers. These children are forced to sew garments under threat of physical or other punishments and without pay.

There are reports of glove factories forcibly training and employing 1,500 to 2,000 ethnic minority adult workers with the government’s support.  Victim testimonies, news media, and think tanks report that factories, including for gloves, frequently engage in coercive recruitment; limit workers’ freedom of movement and communication; and subject workers to constant surveillance, retribution for religious beliefs, exclusion from community and social life, and isolation.  Further, reports indicate little pay, mandatory Mandarin lessons, ideological indoctrination, and poor living conditions. In some instances, workers have been reported to be subject to torture.  More broadly, according to varied estimates, at least 100,000 to hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities are being subjected to forced labor in China following detention in re-education camps.  In addition to this, poor workers in rural areas may also experience coercion without detention.  Workers are either placed at factories within the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, where the camps are located, or transferred out of Xinjiang to factories in eastern China.

There is evidence that children ages 5 to 17 raise goats in Paraguay. In 2016, the Government of Paraguay published results from the Survey of Activities of Rural Area Children and Adolescents 2015, a representative survey of children’s work in rural areas. The survey considers a working child to be engaged in child labor if the child is below the minimum age for employment of 14 or the child is performing work that is hazardous according to national legislation. The survey estimates that 301,827 children ages 5 to 17 perform hazardous work in rural areas of Paraguay and indicates that children working in agriculture experience accidents and illnesses, including from using dangerous tools and handling chemicals. According to the survey, almost 13 percent of Paraguayan children engaged in child labor in agriculture do not attend school. The survey estimates that 8,584 child laborers raise goats throughout rural areas in Paraguay. Approximately 4,714 child laborers raising goats are below the minimum age for employment in Paraguay. The survey indicates that more boys than girls are engaged in child labor in goat raising. The release of this survey demonstrates the Government of Paraguay’s commitment to addressing child labor and its acknowledgement that data collection is vital to the design and implementation of sound policies and programs.

There are reports that children are forced to mine gold in the Sahel region of Burkina Faso. According to a report by the ILO containing the most recently available data, in the combined Sahel regions of Burkina Faso and Niger, up to 30-50 percent of the gold mine workforce is comprised of children; most are under the age of 15, and some work under conditions of forced labor. Some children from around the country are trafficked to mines in the country"s Ioba, Oudalan, Passore, and Sissili provinces. These children work in small informal mines that are located in remote rural areas and mostly operate on a seasonal basis. The children, beginning between ages 12 and 14, are forced to work in hazardous conditions digging, breaking rocks, transporting, washing, and pounding the gold, including work underground in narrow shafts. These children receive little or no payment, with many receiving wage deductions for lodging and food expenses.

There are reports that children are involved in the mining of gold in eastern Cameroon. Children often mine alongside their families in artisanal mines, and reports indicate that their ages range from under age 10 to 17. Sometimes children mine gold by themselves for sale on the black market. Evidence of child labor has been found in Batouri and Kambele, near the border with the Central African Republic. Reports indicate that thousands of children in Kambele work in artisanal gold mining, while in nearby Batouri,